{"id":6123,"date":"2020-09-30T09:58:00","date_gmt":"2020-09-30T09:58:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/dwp-balkan.org\/staging\/?p=6123"},"modified":"2022-06-17T09:59:18","modified_gmt":"2022-06-17T09:59:18","slug":"the-dark-shadows-of-dubrovnik","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/dwp-balkan.org\/staging\/the-dark-shadows-of-dubrovnik\/","title":{"rendered":"The Dark Shadows of Dubrovnik"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Twenty years has passed since the siege of Dubrovnik, which lasted from October 1, 1991 to the last days of June in 1992. One of the most beautiful cities, and not just in the region, was shelled by the ex-Yugoslavian Army and Montenegrin reserve forces. While monuments were being demolished, houses burned, and people killed, the assault on Dubrovnik was glorified by the media in Podgorica and by agitators of the Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) that is still headed by the country’s president Milo \u0110ukanovi\u0107. They tried to pass attack off as defense, occupation as liberation, crimes as patriotism. \u201cI hate chess because of the checkerboard\u201d, \u0110ukanovi\u0107 said in warlike fervor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The anti-war forces led by the Liberal Union, SDP and the reformists, by the weekly Monitor<\/em>, groups of intellectuals and brave deserters who did not want to march against our neighbors and brothers, tried to explain to the public that Dubrovnik\u2019s fall would be the fall of Montenegro as well, which shared with Croatia not just a country for seven decades, but also a long line of intertwined links over the history of their mutual Mediterranean existence. Dubrovnik had been a home to the Montenegrins \u2013 those inland would come down and trade with the people of Dubrovnik, and those from Boka and further south used to go there to school, for treatment, marriage\u2026 Montenegrins have always had two gates to the outside world \u2013 one was Belgrade, the other Dubrovnik\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Together with everything the city had meant in the past, the siege of Dubrovnik marked the end of Yugoslavia, which the powers in Podgorica claimed to be saving, while doing everything, together with Milo\u0161evi\u0107, to bring the country down. The alarms went unheeded: everyone against the war was branded a traitor, an Ustasha or a foreign agent.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dubrovnik was only the beginning of Montenegro\u2019s downfall, the first black mark in the history of a nation that was up until then mostly on the right side of history, known for its struggle for freedom. Before all this, in a dramatic coup, Milo\u0161evi\u0107 tore down the Montenegrin leadership and brought young communist apparatchiks, who will rule Montenegro without interruption for the three following decades. In the first of those decades, the Montenegro government will join Milo\u0161evi\u0107 in that bloodiest, hardest war, in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and they will follow him into Sarajevo and Srebrenica as well. There, those convicted of war crimes will become national heroes \u2013 Karad\u017ei\u0107, \u0160ljivan\u010danin, Mladi\u0107… They will be sung about and celebrated in town squares and village gatherings, sometimes even to this day.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It was only after the signatures on the Dayton Agreement cooled and dried off, and after the widespread demonstrations in Belgrade during 1996 and 1997, brought about by Milo\u0161evi\u0107\u2019s defeat in the local elections, that Montenegro changed its course. Podgorica officials turned over a new leaf, looking towards the West and distancing themselves from wartime Belgrade. During the NATO bombing of FRY in 1999, Milo \u0110ukanovi\u0107 risked armed conflict with Milo\u0161evi\u0107 and his army by opening the borders to hundreds of thousands of Kosovo refugees, which remains a rare bright spot in Montenegro\u2019s recent history.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But, even though Montenegro has officially changed its policy two decades ago \u2013 to bringing the country closer to Europe, to coexistence with minorities it has previously terrorized in the nineties and to friendly relations with immediate neighbors in the Balkans, it still hasn\u2019t meaningfully split with its heavy past.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

To paraphrase \u017darko Puhovski, a professor from Zagreb, Montenegro today behaves like Austria did after World War II. Austria had followed the politics of Berlin, but after the war the West was mostly concerned with Germany and its crimes.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0110ukanovi\u0107 has apologized to his neighbors for the mistakes of the past and for Montenegro\u2019s warmongering, but still, during his tenure (which, until recently, seemed destined to last forever) nothing was done to make the country address its past. Here charges for war crimes, committed by citizens of Montenegro during the nineties, have only been slowly and reluctantly processed. So far in Montenegro not one charge was brought up against those who participated in the siege of Dubrovnik and its surroundings. Only the general Pavle Strugar was indicted in the Hague for Dubrovnik, along with several of his accossiates. He was extradited by the Montenegro authorities and that was it.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But that’s how it is with basically all the other war crime prosecutions. If anything was actually opened, Montenegro’s courts mostly dealt with those who carried out the orders, rather than the ones who had made them, and who remain protected. Most of the proceedings ended up in fiascos. That can be said even for the most famous of them \u2013 the case concerning the deportation of Bosnian refugees who had saught shelter in Montenegro. During spring of 1992, more than a hundred of them were returned by the Montenegro government \u2013 contrary to the Geneva convention \u2013 to Karad\u017ei\u0107\u2019s forces in Bosnia and Herzegovina, where they were killed. After years of trials in Podgorica, all suspects in this case were set free.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

By the way, even in the case of these deportations, only the purpotrators were on trial, and only after considerable pressure from independent media and the NGO sector. According to testimony, the government of Milo \u0110ukanovi\u0107, or more precisely the Ministry of Internal Affairs, was the one to issue the decision to return the refugees to the warzone \u2013 to the people from whom they had run in the first place. Members of the Montenegro judicial system never even thought to charge those who issued these orders for the crime.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Montenegro is a country without justice, as was declared long ago by Milovan \u0110ilas. And justice cannot exist while the judicial system is in chains. And the judicial system will remain in chains as long as the country is still run by its wartime leader.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The government of Milo \u0110ukanovi\u0107 finally yielded twenty nine years after the assault on Dubrovnik, after the August 30 elections. It is unclear why certain anti-war activists from the region link the destiny, and the survival of Montenegro, to Milo \u0110ukanovi\u0107. It\u2019s exactly the opposite: there can be no Montenegro until it addresses the darkest shadows of its recent past.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Milka Tadi\u0107 Mijovi\u0107 <\/strong>is a journalist, analyst and journalism lecturer. She is an alumnus of the Faculty of Political Sciences in Belgrade, with a master’s degree from the Faculty of Political Sciences in Podgorica. She has published several hundred articles, research pieces and analyses in regional and international media. She has coauthored multiple documentary features dealing with corruption and abuse of power. Her career in journalism started in the late 80s at Televizija Titograd <\/em>and Omladinski pokret<\/em>. She has been a Podgorica correspondent for numerous Yugoslav media outlets (Stav<\/em>, Danas<\/em>, Radio 92<\/em>…). She was among the founders of the magazine Krug<\/em>, and also in 1990. of Monitor<\/em>, the first independent weekly in Montenegro. As a member of UJDI<\/em> she was engaged in anti-war activities during the 90s. She is the founder of the Center for Investigative Journalism of Montenegro<\/em> (CIN-CG<\/em>), and has served as its president since 2016. The Center is focused on researching the judicial system, corruption, human rights, European integration etc. Tadi\u0107-Mijovi\u0107 has received multiple awards for her journalistic work and research. Reporters Without Borders <\/em>included her in their first, and so far only, list of the world\u2019s 100 Information Heroes<\/em>.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Twenty years has passed since the siege of Dubrovnik, which lasted from October 1, 1991 to the last days of June in 1992. One of the most beautiful cities, and not just in the region, was shelled by the ex-Yugoslavian Army and Montenegrin reserve forces. While monuments were being demolished, houses burned, and people killed, the assault on Dubrovnik was […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":8,"featured_media":5941,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"_editorskit_title_hidden":false,"_editorskit_reading_time":4,"_editorskit_is_block_options_detached":false,"_editorskit_block_options_position":"{}","footnotes":""},"categories":[6],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-6123","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-column"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nThe Dark Shadows of Dubrovnik - DWP-BALKAN<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"noindex, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"The Dark Shadows of Dubrovnik - DWP-BALKAN\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Twenty years has passed since the siege of Dubrovnik, which lasted from October 1, 1991 to the last days of June in 1992. 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