{"id":6574,"date":"2022-07-13T10:36:09","date_gmt":"2022-07-13T10:36:09","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/dwp-balkan.org\/staging\/?p=6574"},"modified":"2022-07-13T11:10:52","modified_gmt":"2022-07-13T11:10:52","slug":"rusko-ukrajinski-konflikt-i-krhkost-makedonskog-politickog-okruzenja","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/dwp-balkan.org\/staging\/bs\/rusko-ukrajinski-konflikt-i-krhkost-makedonskog-politickog-okruzenja\/","title":{"rendered":"Rusko-ukrajinski konflikt i krhkost makedonskog politi\u010dkog okru\u017eenja"},"content":{"rendered":"<div style=\"margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px;\" class=\"sharethis-inline-share-buttons\" ><\/div>\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Ruska invazija na Ukrajinu, koja je po\u010dela u februaru 2022. godine, promenila je politi\u010dku klimu u Evropi i najavila novu eru globalnih odnosa, koja tek treba da poprimi oblik u postkonfliktnom procesu i koja \u0107e biti zasnovana na kompleksnosti koja proisti\u010de iz nastaju\u0107ih realnosti multipolarnog sveta. Globalne sile \u0107e o\u010digledno biti primorane da sednu za mirovni sto i defini\u0161u svoje odnose na duge staze kako bi se dogovorile oko bazi\u010dnih geopoliti\u010dkih, ali pre svega geoekonomskih pitanja, u naporu da uspostave trajni mir, ali i pravila igre koja bi spre\u010dila razvoj budu\u0107ih konflikata, koji, naravno, ne mogu biti u potpunosti isklju\u010deni. Atmosfera uzdrmanog poverenja izme\u0111u EU i SAD sa jedne i Rusije sa druge strane svakako ne poma\u017ee postizanju takvih ciljeva, a vremenski okvir konflikta izme\u0111u Rusije i Ukrajine je iz ove perspektive i dalje te\u0161ko predvidiv.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Po\u010detak vojne operacije od strane Ruske Federacije pokrenuo je talas politi\u010dke turbulencije u Severnoj Makedoniji. Najnovija \u010dlanica NATO-a i ve\u010diti kandidat za \u010dlanstvo u EU suo\u010dila se sa onim sa \u010dim se suo\u010dila ve\u0107ina dr\u017eava u Evropi \u2013 politi\u010dka neizvesnost, ekonomski problemi i polarizovano javno mnjenje o tome \u0161ta se de\u0161ava na tako maloj udaljenosti od dr\u017eavne granice. \u010cak i pre po\u010detka konflikta u Ukrajini Severna Makedonija, kao i ve\u0107ina dr\u017eava Zapadnog Balkana, bila je pod politi\u010dkim i ekonomskim uticajima iz raznih centara mo\u0107i. Covid-19 pandemija pokazala je da EU i SAD nisu jedini igra\u010di zainteresovani da pro\u0161ire svoj politi\u010dki i ekonomski uticaj u regionu i da imaju ozbiljnu konkurenciju me\u0111u globalnim igra\u010dima poput Rusije, Kine i Turske, kao i nekih zemalja iz arapskog sveta.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Po\u010detak konflikta izme\u0111u Rusije i Ukrajine je skoro trenutno polarizovao javno mnjenje u Severnoj Makedoniji oko uzroka konflikta i glavnog krivca. Me\u0111utim, jo\u0161 i pre po\u010detka konflikta ankete javnog mnjenja su pokazivale da Severna Makedonija pripada drugoj grupi zemalja (od tri) u kojima postoje simpatije prema Ruskoj Federaciji, ali nisu na istom nivou kao u Srbiji i Bugarskoj, iako su svakako ja\u010de i izra\u017eenije nego kod \u201eruskih skeptika\u201c Poljske i Rumunije. Domac\u0301i analiti\u010dki centri ukazivali su i na ja\u010danje ruskog uticaja i sve vec\u0301e simpatije prema Ruskoj Federaciji, naro\u010dito u trenutku kada je EU uspela da razo\u010dara gra\u0111ane ove zemlje novim vetom zemalja \u010dlanica na po\u010detak pretpristupnog procesa pregovora Severne Makedonije sa EU.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><br>Konflikt koji traje ve\u0107 tri decenije izme\u0111u Gr\u010dke i Severne Makedonije oko imena dr\u017eave re\u0161en je potpisivanjem Prespanskog sporazuma 2018. godine, nakon \u010dega je Republici Makedoniji dodat atribut Severna, i ona je napravila dodatne ustupke u vezi sa istorijskim i identitetskim pitanjima, zauzvrat dobijajuc\u0301i deblokadu pregovora za pristupanje NATO i EU. Tokom 2020. godine NATO \u010dlanstvo je postalo realnost, a po\u010detak pregovora sa EU je delovalo nadohvat ruke. Me\u0111utim, prvo je Francuska, a potom i Bugarska dala novi veto Republici Severnoj Makedoniji i Republici Albaniji, svaka iz svojih razloga. Francuski veto nastao je zbog zahteva Francuske da redefini\u0161e metodologiju pretpristupnih pregovora, \u0161to je i realizovano, pa je francuski veto ukinut u rekordnom roku. Me\u0111utim, odmah nakon \u0161to je ukinut francuski veto, sledio je veto Bugarske, koja se u novembru 2020. nije slagala sa tim da Severna Mekodonija zapo\u010dne pretpristupne pregovore. Taj veto je i dalje na snazi, a kredibilitet EU kao partnera i uticajnog faktora u politi\u010dkom \u017eivotu Severne Makedonije vidno je naru\u0161en zbog trajnog neispunjavanja obaveze da kona\u010dno otpo\u010dnu pregovori i zbog ostavljanja Severne Makedonije u \u010dekaonici Evropske unije uprkos ogromnim ustupcima koje je ova zemlja napravila Prespanskim sporazumom.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><br>U takvoj atmosferi op\u0161teg razo\u010daranja politikom EU i odre\u0111enim dr\u017eavama \u010dlanicama bilo je samo za o\u010dekivati da \u0107e javno mnjenje reagovati na rusko-ukrajinski konflikt delom i kroz prizmu takvih ose\u0107anja, vi\u0161e emotivno nego racionalno, ostavljaju\u0107i procene geopoliti\u010dke mape i li\u010dnih interesa u pozadini. Me\u0111utim, uprkos ovom razvoju doga\u0111aja, istra\u017eivanja doma\u0107ih analiti\u010dkih centara pokazuju da ve\u0107ina etni\u010dkih Makedonaca i velika ve\u0107ina etni\u010dkih Albanaca (dve najve\u0107e etni\u010dke grupe u Severnoj Makedoniji) pokazuju solidarnost sa Ukrajincima i osu\u0111uju invaziju na Ukrajinu. Ipak, broj onih, naro\u010dito etni\u010dkih Makedonaca, koji podr\u017eavaju Rusiju nije mali, \u0161to je vi\u0161e rezultat \u017eelje za \u201eosvetom\u201c zbog neispunjenih o\u010dekivanja zapadnih partnera prema Severnoj Makedoniji nego odraz nekog autenti\u010dnog proruskog ose\u0107anja u dru\u0161tvu koje, budimo iskreni, nikad nije bilo ni pribli\u017eno veliko kao u susednoj Srbiji ili \u010dak Bugarskoj, koja je usput \u010dlanica i NATO i EU. Javljanje proruskih ose\u0107anja je vi\u0161e instrumentalno i mahom zasnovano na frustraciji sa neuspehom procesa EU integracija, a popularnost Ruske Federacije raste (\u010dak i pre konflikta sa Ukrajinom) isklju\u010divo u kriznim situacijama i me\u0111unarodnim politi\u010dkim preprekama, koje su postale redovna strategija u pona\u0161anju nekih EU dr\u017eava \u010dlanica prema Severnoj Makedoniji, koja je verovatno jedna od najslabijih ta\u010daka asimetri\u010dne logike pretpristupnog procesa.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><br>Me\u0111utim, razvoj politi\u010dkih doga\u0111aja u Severnoj Makedoniji, uprkos negativnim doga\u0111ajima, do\u017eiveo je pozitivnu epizodu koja je povratila poverenje makedonskim gra\u0111anima u mogu\u0107nost mudrog i mirnog re\u0161enja sporova sa njihovim susedima. Naime, u maju 2022. godine prvo je vaseljenski patrijarh Vartolomej, a potom i Srpska pravoslavna crkva priznala autokefalnost Makedonske pravoslavne crkve \u2013 Ohridske arhiepiskopije (MPC-OA), \u010dime je MPC-OA odlikovana tomosom (zvani\u010dnim aktom priznanja) tada\u0161nje mati\u010dne crkve \u2013 Srpske pravoslavne crkve. Ovim je zavr\u0161en dugi spor izme\u0111u SPC i MPC-OA, i MPC-OA je dobila zvani\u010dni status pravoslavne crkve sa ostalim crkvama u pravoslavnom svetu. Ovo je izazvalo talas ushi\u0107enja u zemlji i podiglo popularnost susedne Srbije, naro\u010dito me\u0111u etni\u010dkim Makedoncima, na ra\u010dun susedne Bugarske, koja je, upravo zbog veta u EU, dobila status najnepopularnijeg suseda Severne Makedonije. Ovo je svakako produbilo frustraciju u bugarskom dru\u0161tvu povodom makedonskog pitanja, a sve je izvesniji i novi veto na predstojec\u0301em samitu EU u junu 2022. godine. U vreme pisanja ovog teksta francuski predsednik Emanuel Makron \u010dini poslednje napore da ukine bugarski veto iako u makedonskom dru\u0161tvu postoji mala nada za uspeh ove inicijative. Nasluc\u0301uje se pobednik takvog potencijalnog negativnog razvoja doga\u0111aja\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Nenad Markovi\u010d je docent na katedri za politi\u010dki nauke Pravnog fakulteta \u201cSv. Kirila i Metodija\u201d u Skoplju. Osniva\u010d je i istra\u017eiva\u010d u Institut za demokratiju \u201cSocietas Civilis\u201d \u2013 Skoplje i \u010dlan uredni\u010dkog odbora tromese\u010dnika \u201cPoliti\u010dka misao\u201d. Bavi se istra\u017eivanjem politi\u010dke teorije, dru\u0161tvenog kapitala, politi\u010dke filozofije, nacionalizma, gra\u0111anskog dru\u0161tva i politi\u010dke kulture\/mita.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Ruska invazija na Ukrajinu, koja je po\u010dela u februaru 2022. godine, promenila je politi\u010dku klimu u Evropi i najavila novu eru globalnih odnosa, koja tek treba da poprimi oblik u postkonfliktnom procesu i koja \u0107e biti zasnovana na kompleksnosti koja proisti\u010de iz nastaju\u0107ih realnosti multipolarnog sveta. Globalne sile \u0107e o\u010digledno biti primorane da sednu za mirovni sto i defini\u0161u svoje [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":6560,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"_editorskit_title_hidden":false,"_editorskit_reading_time":4,"_editorskit_is_block_options_detached":false,"_editorskit_block_options_position":"{}","footnotes":""},"categories":[978],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-6574","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-bp-20-bhcs"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v28.1 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Rusko-ukrajinski konflikt i krhkost makedonskog politi\u010dkog okru\u017eenja - DWP-BALKAN<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"noindex, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Rusko-ukrajinski konflikt i krhkost makedonskog politi\u010dkog okru\u017eenja - DWP-BALKAN\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Ruska invazija na Ukrajinu, koja je po\u010dela u februaru 2022. godine, promenila je politi\u010dku klimu u Evropi i najavila novu eru globalnih odnosa, koja tek treba da poprimi oblik u postkonfliktnom procesu i koja \u0107e biti zasnovana na kompleksnosti koja proisti\u010de iz nastaju\u0107ih realnosti multipolarnog sveta. Globalne sile \u0107e o\u010digledno biti primorane da sednu za mirovni sto i defini\u0161u svoje [&hellip;]\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/dwp-balkan.org\/staging\/bs\/rusko-ukrajinski-konflikt-i-krhkost-makedonskog-politickog-okruzenja\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"DWP-BALKAN\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2022-07-13T10:36:09+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:modified_time\" content=\"2022-07-13T11:10:52+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/dwp-balkan.org\/staging\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/07\/Nenad-Markovikj_Photo.jpg\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"1280\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"910\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/jpeg\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"DWPBALKAN\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Written by\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"DWPBALKAN\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Est. reading time\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"6 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\\\/\\\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"Article\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/dwp-balkan.org\\\/staging\\\/bs\\\/rusko-ukrajinski-konflikt-i-krhkost-makedonskog-politickog-okruzenja\\\/#article\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/dwp-balkan.org\\\/staging\\\/bs\\\/rusko-ukrajinski-konflikt-i-krhkost-makedonskog-politickog-okruzenja\\\/\"},\"author\":{\"name\":\"DWPBALKAN\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/dwp-balkan.org\\\/staging\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/94e01f70a9f8ac0de7af6559b5fc802d\"},\"headline\":\"Rusko-ukrajinski konflikt i krhkost makedonskog politi\u010dkog okru\u017eenja\",\"datePublished\":\"2022-07-13T10:36:09+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2022-07-13T11:10:52+00:00\",\"mainEntityOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/dwp-balkan.org\\\/staging\\\/bs\\\/rusko-ukrajinski-konflikt-i-krhkost-makedonskog-politickog-okruzenja\\\/\"},\"wordCount\":1137,\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/dwp-balkan.org\\\/staging\\\/bs\\\/rusko-ukrajinski-konflikt-i-krhkost-makedonskog-politickog-okruzenja\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/dwp-balkan.org\\\/staging\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2022\\\/07\\\/Nenad-Markovikj_Photo.jpg\",\"articleSection\":[\"Balkan.Perspectives #20 BHCS\"],\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\"},{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/dwp-balkan.org\\\/staging\\\/bs\\\/rusko-ukrajinski-konflikt-i-krhkost-makedonskog-politickog-okruzenja\\\/\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/dwp-balkan.org\\\/staging\\\/bs\\\/rusko-ukrajinski-konflikt-i-krhkost-makedonskog-politickog-okruzenja\\\/\",\"name\":\"Rusko-ukrajinski konflikt i krhkost makedonskog politi\u010dkog okru\u017eenja - 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